Showing posts with label Water Privatisation. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Water Privatisation. Show all posts

Thursday, 20 November 2014

Water scarcity, water wars, and the ecology of peace

The article below is cross-posted from Advocacy @ St Paul's
Published on Monday, November 10, 2014

Peace Ecology: Deep Solutions in an Age of Water Scarcity and War

A key concept of what we term "peace ecology" is grounded in the notion that conflicts and crises driven by scarcity of natural resources—such as water—can also be opportunities for us to reimagine what is possible and ultimately foster mutually beneficial solutions and longer-term sustainability. (Photo: Louis Vest/flickr/cc)
The following is an excerpt of the Randall Amster's latest book, Peace Ecology, and appears on Common Dreams with the kind permission of the author and publisher. All rights reserved. Please note, book citations have been removed for online reading but a fully cited version (pdf) can be accessed here.

Mark Twain once purportedly said that “whiskey’s for drinking—water’s for fighting.” While the evidence for attributing this to Twain is shaky at best, the quote is nonetheless frequently invoked as a foregone conclusion: people will fight over water because it is scarce, essential, and invaluable for the growth and development of human societies. In reality, “water wars” are exceedingly rare, with the overwhelming majority of the world’s 263 shared river basins being subject to treaties, agreements, and other mechanisms for allocating their flow. Still, there is a deeper concern reflected in Twain’s apocryphal quote, namely that while water wars between nations may be rare, modern water utilization on the whole often reflects a collective war that humankind is waging on the environment. All too often, what are coded as “shared waters” and “peaceful resolutions” to human-human conflicts still involve deep incursions against the natural flow of surface waters, including channelizing rivers to fix national boundaries, altering the saline and sediment levels, and damming rivers for hydroelectric plants. Such outcomes are part of a larger orientation that comes to equate peace with control—especially control of nature.

"We must recognize water as boundless... as life."
As human cultures expand, water is emerging as the central resource in local and global politics alike. Pressures to privatize and commodify water are continually being brought to bear, often under the guise of development schemes that are portrayed as linking growth with security. To ensure that water flows even in places where it is highly problematic—from Abu Dhabi to Phoenix—massive delivery infrastructures are contemplated, including energy-intensive desalination plants and circuitous concrete canals transporting water hundreds of miles across deserts. Science fiction scenarios abound, as plans are conceived to capture clouds, drag icebergs, and create mountains and lakes for delivering water supplies to thirsty nations. One of the first high-tech regional water projects, which would serve as a template for similar projects worldwide, was the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA) developed in the 1930s, comprised of a series of elaborate dams and hydropower generating stations. When World War II broke out, the project was reoriented toward wartime production, doubling its power generation and producing a majority of the phosphorous used by the U.S. military for bullets, bombs, and chemical weapons, as well as aluminum for aircraft. The “most significant contribution to the war” was created at a TVA-powered laboratory: the fissionable uranium-235 that was used to fuel the Manhattan Project that developed the world’s first nuclear weapon.

peace_ecology.jpg
The TVA example is stark for its specific militarism, yet it reveals something deeper about how we tend to view water. Oftentimes the choice for transnational actors appears to be one of engaging in either water wars or joint development projects—in essence, either militarism or capitalism; a World War and/or the World Bank. If we are inclined to associate the latter with peace, then it obviously becomes preferable to the alternative, and yet deeper questions about the meaning of water remain unresolved. Water is inherently fluid, unpredictable, prone to extremes of either floods or droughts, both transient and in situ, primeval in its simplicity and purity. Water reshapes images beneath its surface and accurately reflects those above it; it is "an active agent, changing all it touches … creating new courses and possibilities yet to be appreciated by humans." As we co-evolve with all of the essential resources in our midst, we must also apprehend "the limitations of instrumental rationality in capturing the meanings of water and shortcomings of modern science in improving our understanding of its treatment in society."

Increasingly, we come to recognize that no peace between nations is possible without reconciling underlying water issues. It has been surmised that the failure to attain peace in the Middle East between Israel and its Arabic neighbors has been due in part to the concomitant failure to achieve a mutually cognizable agreement over the Jordan River and underground aquifers in the region, yielding a climate of "mistrust, fears of dependency, and perceived threats to national sovereignty." In the case of India and Pakistan, where border clashes and warlike tensions have persisted for decades, a treaty governing the Indus River basin was signed in 1960, following a World Bank proposal to divide the waters between the two countries. While the agreement may have helped forestall violent interstate conflict, it also led to "an all-out effort to build a monumental array of dams and canals"—leading one of the Pakistani (formerly Indian) engineers on the project to observe: “This was like a war. These were huge works…. Everybody was after us. They said we had sold the rivers, that we were traitors to our country”.

What we learn from these examples is that water is more than a mere resource, and that both fighting over it and dividing its spoils are equally problematic resolutions to looming global water issues. As we have seen throughout this volume, both the hardware and software of conflict must be addressed, requiring a simultaneous emphasis on peacemaking at both the human-human and human-environment interfaces. As Vandana Shiva documents, efforts to privatize water and dam rivers often result in the displacement of peoples and the despoliation of the environment—as well as an ensuing “centralization of power over water” that conjures a double meaning for the concept of "hydropower." While it may be the case that "the world is more conscious than ever of the unbreakable nexus between water and life," this realization—coupled with depletion of freshwater sources and a rising contingent of global competitors for resources—has led many to speculate that the wars of the 21st century will be fought primarily over water, not oil or other valuable resources. On the other hand, more promisingly, a spate of literature has emerged in recent years suggesting that water can be a powerful basis for transborder cooperation, collaboration, conservation—and peace.

*          *           *

There are myriad lessons to be gleaned from the field of hydro-politics, which we may take as the "systematic study of conflict and cooperation between states over water resources that transcend international borders." Chief among these lessons are that water highlights our innate interdependence with one another and the environment alike, and likewise that water directly connects the economic and ecological spheres of human life. As with other environmental components, "water bodies respect no political borders," thus engendering a wider perspective that is particularly useful in light of global scarcity and the essential nature of the resource. While studies of water in relation to violent conflict have reached varied conclusions…, there is an emerging consensus that scarcity in the context of renewability coupled with the “critical need" for water can provide the impetus for cooperation—yielding "peaceful and successful conflict management schemes" even among "states with recent militarized conflicts."

If we take to heart the premise that scarcity and essentiality can promote cooperation, then the prospects for water to spur transborder peace initiatives are indeed promising. Nearly half of the earth’s land mass abuts river basins shared by more than one nation, and more than three-quarters of the available fresh water flows through an international river basin—reminding us in stark geographical terms that "a river is without a nationality." It is becoming increasingly clear that lasting peace is possible, from the Middle East to the American Southwest, "only if water is taken into account." Highlighting these themes, the United Nations declared 2013 as the "International Year of Water Cooperation" and the years from 2005-2015 as the "Water for Life Decade"—optimistically citing the operative notion that "history has often shown that the vital nature of freshwater is a powerful incentive for cooperation and dialogue, compelling stakeholders to reconcile even the most divergent views. Water more often unites than divides people and societies." In order to reach this ambitious horizon, we must strive to "build bridges between various meanings and understandings" and to enhance "the legitimacy of noninstrumental uses of water." In short, we must recognize water as boundless—as life.

If we are thus seeking the robust peace contemplated by the peace ecology perspective, then we will need to do more than sign treaties that allocate every drop of water among competing users. Control and peace are often dichotomous, at least in the context of transnational security issues and a complex geopolitical landscape where looming resource wars and ongoing processes of economic colonization continue to dominate the discourse. Physical borders between nations are increasingly militarized in the post-9/11 era, even as the barriers to so-called "free trade" and footloose capital are simultaneously relaxed. This has the effect of diminishing the potential for genuine exchange among peoples and communities on opposite sides of national borders, interrupting the natural processes of ecosystems that do not abide the largely artificial lines on maps. It also serves to exacerbate tensions among nations, leading to the creation of permanent war economies whose explicit "national security" focus is the procurement and control of dwindling resources—down to even the essentials of food, water, and energy. The zero-sum logic of scarcity and competition is palpable, and has become a central norm of international relations, even as its workings are becoming little more than a self-fulfilling downward spiral in which vast resources are expended in the attempt to secure more of them.

[A]ny exploration of processes confronting these eventualities is potentially revolutionary in its full dimensions. The set of interrelated themes brought together under the rubric of peace ecology remain grounded in the notion that the crises of scarcity and conflict are also opportunities for mutually beneficial engagement born of necessity yet aimed at longer-term sustainability. The cultivation of a sense of shared destiny and mutual necessity can bring even ardent transnational adversaries to the negotiating table, since, as Alexander Carius reminds us, "environmental problems ignore political borders." This emerging holistic perspective suggests that peoples and nations have the potential to find ways of managing ecological concerns that not only work to avoid conflicts but that can also serve to promote peaceful relations among human communities and with the environment itself.
Randall Amster, JD, PhD, is Director of the Program on Justice and Peace at Georgetown University, and serves as Executive Director of the Peace and Justice Studies Association. His recent books include Peace Ecology (Paradigm Publishers, 2014), Anarchism Today(Praeger, 2012), Lost in Space: The Criminalization, Globalization, and Urban Ecology of Homelessness; and the co-edited volumes  Exploring the Power of Nonviolence: Peace, Politics, and Practice (Syracuse University Press, 2013) and Building Cultures of Peace: Transdisciplinary Voices of Hope and Action.

Saturday, 9 October 2010

Murray-Darling Basin Plan must not become a political football

fair water use
MEDIA RELEASE
8th October 2010

National public water rights and environmental advocacy group Fair Water Use is encouraged by the broad recommendations made in the guide to the draft Basin Plan released earlier today by the Murray Darling Basin Authority, but is concerned that Federal and State parliamentarians will use the forthcoming consultation period to justify softening of the Plan for short term electoral advantage, rather than to promote the long term interests of the river system and its communities.

The group’s national coordinator, Ian Douglas, commented this afternoon, “The progressive degradation of the Murray-Darling cannot be resolved without significant impact upon those who were previously encouraged by successive governments to overexploit the waters of the nation’s most vital rivers.”

Fair Water Use believes that Australian governments must shoulder much of the blame for the crisis, as a result of a raft of inept policies, including the hyper-allocation of Murray-Darling water, the COAG decision of 1994 to develop a national “water industry” and the promotion of agribusiness-based managed investment schemes.

“Basin communities have themselves been exploited by Federal and State administrations and the pro-market lobby and have every right to feel aggrieved”, Dr Douglas added.

A politically fudged and compromised Basin Plan will be no friend to those who seek to make responsible use of Murray-Darling water. The Murray-Darling Basin Authority must be allowed to develop its Basin Plan free from pressure from those who fail to grasp, or choose to ignore, the profound, long term, economic, social and environmental implications of a degraded Murray-Darling river system.

“Governments must now devise concerted regional development initiatives, to enable Basin communities to transition to a sustainable future”, Dr Douglas concluded.

Related reading from Miss Eagle's files
Ian Douglas mentions above the 1994 decision by COAG
For more information - 
which is vital to an understanding of the current state of play -
please read the following:

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Monday, 4 October 2010

Sidebar information and wisdom: the failure to share : the privatizaton of what was once public


Networkers, I don't know if you ever get as far as scrolling down my sidebar on the right.  While there is a bit of blog-related stuff promoting me, posts, and the blog - there is a lot of stuff which, if you click into it and follow-up with the information provided at the sites, is like an information trip around the world.  You will note that I have a few blogs which have feed subscriptions.  One of these is Sharon Astyk's marvellous simple but intelligent, Casaubon's Book

Just last week she wrote about The Water Fountain.  Now call me psychic if you will, but just last week when all this was going through Sharon's head, I too was thinking of the old fashioned in the park/public place water fountain.  Sharon discussed this but also takes the topic further into a discussion of sharing, and the public becoming privatised.  I might add for a lesson in the sociology of the USA, the comments on Sharon's posts can be quite instructive/destructive.  

Please read Sharon's post and the comments on it for yourselves, Networkers.  But just in case you are tempted not to, here is an excerpt:

It is easier to plan for ourselves. It is easier in many ways to carry our water bottle. It is easier not to talk to other people, it is easier not to need other people, or have to share and accommodate them. It is easier to pick the people you want to share with, to be exclusive rather than inclusive. There are all sorts of reasons not to think in public terms, and only, I think, two major ones to do so.
First of all, if we are to break out of our isolation, we have to, and second, because we have no choice - privatized solutions are too costly, too exclusive, too limited. Anyone who goes into peak oil and climate change imagining you will be one of the rich and lucky who will always be able to afford your bottle of water is, I think, betting on winning the lottery.
Further reading:

Monday, 14 June 2010

Water privatisation - the New Zealand story


Above are the logos of two water organisations currently involved
around water privatisation in New Zealand.
Protests were held across New Zealand on Saturday.
On the left is the logo of Right to Water
On the right .is the logo of Water Pressure Group.


Protests over water privatisation fears



Below is the speech given by Maria McMilland of Right to Water
in Wellington on Saturday.
~~~

 I stand here in great sadness.

A bill has passed its first reading in Parliament that if passed into
legislation will allow councils to privatise water.

It reforms the Local Government Act 2002 and lets councils contract out
supply and management of water supply for 35 years, up from 15 years.

And it specifically removes the clauses that say councils who contract
out aspects of water supply must retain ownership and control of water.

And changes to consultation requirements, also in the bill, we suspect
will allow councils to do this without asking anybody.

This is privatisation. Act and National are lying and saying it is
something else about flexibility of water delivery and removing barriers
and efficiency.

The long-term contracts this Bill allows for are the most common form of
water privatisation in the world.

The fights you hear about that are going on all over the world around
water privatisation, in Bolivia, and South Africa, and India. In Canada
and in towns across the United States, in Australia and in Latin
America, in Ghana and in Turkey are about councils and governments
passing over control and ownership of water through long term leases
exactly as allowed for in the proposed laws.

And the movement of those who believe water belongs to people and the
planet and not to those who want to make a profit from it are among the
biggest grassroots movements of our time. Because water privatisation is
costing the health and livelihoods and lives of millions of people
across the world. And it is destroying aquifers, and rivers and lakes.

And it is allowing for water to be taken from communities who need it
and have always looked after it, and be instead given to corporations to
try and slake their unquenchable thirst for profit.

Let's not go there.

If the government passes this bill, the Wellington City Council could
contract out water to a private company for the next 35 years.

A corporation would own water until I was 75.

Water would be run for profit until my four-year-old daughter would be
just about to turn 40.

Water would be managed with the interests of shareholders prioritised
above all other interests until her 18-month-old sister would be 36.

And probably, looking at the experience of other countries, it would be
35 years of the company asking for more money than their contract
stipulates. And 35 years of the company saying it can’t meet the
environmental standards outlined in the contract. The company saying it
needs to increase costs to water users again and again and again, as
that is the only revenue stream available to it.

And during those 35 years, the council having lost its expertise in
water management would have to agree to all the conditions laid out by
the company because it has a population that needs water every hour of
every day and it would be beholden to the company to provide that water.

And overseas when councils and governments have tried to break contracts
with private sector companies, because the companies have done so
poorly, those companies have threatened to sue for lost earnings or they
have sued.

And when I’m 75 and my children all grown up, at the end of the
contract, would the council be able to take back control of the water?
No. It would be in no position to take back control of the water because
it would have lost the knowledge and the expertise and the mechanisms to
deliver water.

Be very clear this bill is not about efficiency, or saving money, or
transparency. This is about private sector, after decades of lobbying,
finally getting their hands around the neck of our water sector.

It is about companies gaining access to the unbelievable profits
available to anyone who is able to sell people something they can’t
avoid buying.

After decades neoliberalism and the ideas of corporatisation and
privatisation and user-pays firmly embedded in New Zealand psyche,
corporations and those acting in their interests are willing now to
overtly push the ludicrous and horrible idea that water belongs in the
marketplace.

But water isn’t like other goods. It doesn’t belong in the marketplace.
Even within the rationale of market economics, water is a natural
monopoly. And natural monopolies cannot be trusted to the market or to
private sector providers because the temptation to exploit the role as
provider of natural monopoly is considered too great.

Water isn’t like other goods. It is basis of all life. It is a public
good. It is a human right that underpins all other human rights.

If passed, this is the end of water as know it.

Water will be owned and controlled by the private sector. It will be run
for profit. It will be managed with no accountability to the community.

The fate of water will not be decided by the people who need water to
survive – to drink, to clean, to wash their children or to water their
vegetables.

It will be decided in the corporate boardrooms of multinational
companies acting in the interest of their shareholders.

It is likely it will be decided by someone working for a subsidiary of
Veolia or Suez as these are the two companies that dominate the global
water industry worth something like three trillion US dollars.

And in the boardrooms, behind closed doors, under the protection of
commercial sensitivity clauses all the conversations about a good clean
water supply as the most basic of community needs are lost. Lost the
notion of reticulated water supply as the most important public health
mechanism and something we all benefit from.

Lost the conversations about how we protect the integrity of New
Zealand’s freshwater. Lost the conversations about protecting
biodiversity in our streams and rivers and lakes. Lost the conversations
about customary rights.

Lost the conversations about equity and justice and lost the notion of
water as a fundamental human right. Lost the notion that water belongs
forever and always to the next generation.

Lost the notion of water as a taonga.

In its place the notion of water as a consumer good. As something with a
price. As something that goes to the highest bidder. As something
managed with profit in mind.

Let’s stop this bill.

Let’s write submissions and talk to the select committee.

But let’s organise meeting and actions as well.

Because this is water privatisation and the government has no right to
privatise water. Because it is not theirs to give away.

Because once water is gone it’ll be gone for ever.




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